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Flexibility only way for Dalai to deal with Beijing

  • Source: Global Times
  • [22:04 February 09 2010]
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The Potala Palace in Lhasa. Photo: CFP

Editor's Notes:

Despite optimism in some quarters, the latest round of talks between the Chinese central government and the Dalai Lama's private representatives in late January ended in a deadlock. But what is the prospect of future talks, especially as the Dalai Lama is 75 years old. Will there be any positive change in the future? If not, what will we face?

With these questions, Global Times (GT) reporter Wang Yuan talked with Liu Hongji (Liu), vice director of the Institute for Contemporary Tibetan Studies at the China Tibetology Research Center, and Xie Gangzheng (Xie), director of Sichuan Tibetology Research Center.

GT: According to the United Front Work Department (UFWD) of the Chinese Communist Party Central Committee, the Chinese central government and representatives of the Dalai Lama held "sharply divided" views in the latest talks "as usual." Considering this, how do you see the prospect of future talks? Is there any possibility of breaking the impasse?

Xie: What the private representatives of the Dalai Lama wanted to negotiate was the so-called Tibet issue, underlying which is their call for the complete political separation of Tibet from China.

However, Tibet is a part of China, and is under Chinese government's actual control. So there is no "Tibet issue" at all.

The central government would only talk about the Dalai Lama's personal future and resettlement. Considering that the two sides are sharply divided, I don't think there will be any prospect of talks in the future.

Liu: As long as the Dalai Lama does not shift from his present stand, the whole future of the talks is up in the air.

But as the UFWD pointed out, the latest talks had some upsides, as it enabled both sides to know their exact differences and how wide the differences are.

For the Dalai Lama, the talks acquainted him directly with the central government's policies expressed at the Fifth National Conference on Work in Tibet held earlier last month.

This could help the Dalai Lama realize the position he is in at the moment, and that the only way for him and his followers to solve the problem with the central government is to shift their stand. So far there is little possibility of this.

GT: In previous talks in November 2008, the Dalai Lama's private representative Lodi Gyari said that he was not in favor of a new round of talks, but this time it is the Dalai Lama who took the initiative in asking for new talks, and Gyari said talks would continue in the future. Some believe that this suggests the Dalai Lama is willing to change his stand to some extent. What would you comment on the changed deeds and words?

Liu: No matter how the Dalai clique lobbies the international community or struggles for favorable international opinions and financial support, at the end of it all, he needs to talk to the central government.

It is clear to them that the central government regards the destiny of Tibet as China's internal affair and outsiders have no right to voice any opinion.

The reason for the Dalai Lama expressing his unwillingness for a new round of talks last time is that they were then preparing for the "special meeting" of Tibetan exiles' representatives in India, in November 2008.

They wanted to find some alternative solutions at the meeting. As the meeting turned up nothing on this issue, now they have to return to talks with the central government.

Xie: The Dalai Lama didn't make any compromises. His bottom line is "Greater Tibet" and "high degree of autonomy."

For him, a compromise means accepting the central government's requests, that is, return to the motherland and abandon his stand to split the nation.

But the Dalai Lama and his followers never give up their separatism. On the one hand, they claim to accept "Greater Tibet" and "high degree of autonomy" within China's constitutional framework. On the other hand, they are still running the "Tibet government-in-exile," "Constitution of Tibet," "Indian- Tibetan special border troops," and so on. Anyone aware of these facts knows that the Dalai Lama will never give up separatism.

Seeking talks with the central government is just a trick. By vigorously advertising "Tibet-China talks," the Dalai clique pretends it is powerful enough to influence the decision-making of the central government, and is trying to carry out political infiltration among domestic Tibetans.

The talks actually serve as a double-edged sword, as the central government uses it to expose the Dalai Lama's separatism, while the Dalai Lama uses it to remind domestic Tibetans of his existence.

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